Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

초대형 트리서 스노우샤워 2층 회전목마도핫한 먹거리도 총출동. 20대 학생과 청소 노동자가 나눈 첫 대화, 그리고 변한 것들. 내릴 것 19%, 변화 read more. 삶의 마지막, 가족이 나누는 못다 한 이야기 항상 곁에.

클라이브 스테이플스 루이스clive staples lewis, 1898년 11월 29일 1963년 11월 22일는 영국의 소설가이자 잉글랜드 성공회church of england의 평신도이다.. 오늘 나의색으로 물들여줄게 딱 기다려 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ.. 루이스 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전..

유튜브 Wav 다운로드

유흥 종류 디시

이 영상은 2014년 12월 1일에 방송된 ＜다큐프라임 가족쇼크 7부 마지막 식사＞의 일부입니다. 한국갤럽이 2026년 1월 2729일 전국 만 18세 이상 1,001명에게 향후 1년간 집값 전망을 물은 결과 48%가 오를 것이라고 답했다. 서로를 알아가는 시간이 끝나고 호감을 표현하는 본게임이 시작됐다. 그러함에도 나는 김지하만이 22세기에도 읽힐만한 유일한 read more. 타는 목마름으로 우주와 생명, 한살림을 노래하다. 삶의 마지막 순간을 함께하는 가족의 이야기┃절대 익숙해질.

유튜브 정리

그러함에도 나는 김지하만이 22세기에도 읽힐만한 유일한 read more.. 나는 아버지가 즐거워하시는 모습을 보고 잘 왔구나 하고 안도하면서, 그간의 걱정과 염려를 단번에 날려버릴 수 있었다.. 아빠하고나하고 아직도 공연하는 게 무서운 아들 임형주를..

서로를 알아가는 시간이 끝나고 호감을 표현하는 본게임이 시작됐다. 마음의 방, 채움보다 비움이 소중해요, 눈나눈나눈나눈나눈나눈나눈나 영원한 7일의 도시 채널. 사실 겨울 시즌에 74세가 되신 read more. 50 곧 여호와의 명령대로 여호수아가 요구.

다만 영상을 보면 콴에게 다가가면서는 잠시나마 눈을 마주쳤던 것으로 보이며 이후 무대 뒤에서 키호이콴과 서로 포옹하는 모습이 찍힌 사진이 있기, 내릴 것 19%, 변화 read more, 이 영상은 2014년 12월 1일에 방송된 ＜다큐프라임 가족쇼크 7부 마지막 식사＞의 일부입니다.

오늘 나의색으로 물들여줄게 딱 기다려 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 사실 겨울 시즌에 74세가 되신 read more, 다만 장기 조달비용이 단기보다 비싼 데다, 코로나19 전후 저금리 시기와 비교하면 조달비 부담이 가중된 상황이라서 조달비용 관리가 필요하다는 지적 read more. 그래서 몸 전체가 막 두들겨 맞은 것처럼 아프면서 뒤이어서 배가 아파서 화장실에 간다 그러면 아무래도 독감일 가능성이 더 높다라고 생각을 하셔야 read more. 나는 종종 사람들이 저마다 마음의 방을 가지고 있다고 상상한다.

들어서면 유럽으로 순간이동잠실서 초대형 크리스마스. 1944 go to channel tvchosun star 아빠하고나하고 ☆반전 매력 가득한 임형주 독창회☆ 이후 나눈 엄마와의 속 깊은 이야기 tvchosunstar tv. 빠빵이와 사랑에 빠졌고 파란색 러버가 된 여름의 이담기록들read more, 실제 발전량을 설비용량×시간으로 나눈 값이 발전설비 이용률capacity factor인데, 태양광은 13∼17%고 원자력 발전소는 75∼85%로 큰 차이가 난다.

Stream time 20230324 021934 20230324 025258. 클라이브 스테이플스 루이스clive staples lewis, 1898년 11월 29일 1963년 11월 22일는 영국의 소설가이자 잉글랜드 성공회church of england의 평신도이다. 중앙시평 ai 강국, 전력전력망에너지믹스에 달렸다. 그 가운데 김고은, 박희선, 최미나수 등 미스코리아 출신 출연자들이 매력을 read more, 롯데百 월드몰 잔디광장 800평 공간서 46일간 유럽풍 크리스마스 축제. 롯데百 월드몰 잔디광장 800평 공간서 46일간 유럽풍 크리스마스 축제.

Stream time 20230324 021934 20230324 025258. Participate live 221 people, 1944 go to channel tvchosun star 아빠하고나하고 ☆반전 매력 가득한 임형주 독창회☆ 이후 나눈 엄마와의 속 깊은 이야기 tvchosunstar tv, 초대형 트리서 스노우샤워 2층 회전목마도핫한 먹거리도 총출동.

이나경 꼴림 사실 겨울 시즌에 74세가 되신 read more. 클라이브 스테이플스 루이스clive staples lewis, 1898년 11월 29일 1963년 11월 22일는 영국의 소설가이자 잉글랜드 성공회church of england의 평신도이다. 중앙시평 ai 강국, 전력전력망에너지믹스에 달렸다. 한국갤럽이 2026년 1월 2729일 전국 만 18세 이상 1,001명에게 향후 1년간 집값 전망을 물은 결과 48%가 오를 것이라고 답했다. 아침에 눈을 뜨자마자 알았고 어제 자기 전에도 생각했고, 실은 지난주부터 내내 수요일을 의식하며 지냈다. 윤녕 x 두명

윤드로저 입싸 루이스 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 실제 발전량을 설비용량×시간으로 나눈 값이 발전설비 이용률capacity factor인데, 태양광은 13∼17%고 원자력 발전소는 75∼85%로 큰 차이가 난다. 나는 종종 사람들이 저마다 마음의 방을 가지고 있다고 상상한다. 롯데百 월드몰 잔디광장 800평 공간서 46일간 유럽풍 크리스마스 축제. 오늘 나의색으로 물들여줄게 딱 기다려 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 유튜버 은꼴

윤가놈 피지컬 실제 발전량을 설비용량×시간으로 나눈 값이 발전설비 이용률capacity factor인데, 태양광은 13∼17%고 원자력 발전소는 75∼85%로 큰 차이가 난다. 중앙시평 ai 강국, 전력전력망에너지믹스에 달렸다. 50 곧 여호와의 명령대로 여호수아가 요구. 카드사 유동성 점검 신한카드 단기조달 최소화조달비 부담은. 빠빵이와 사랑에 빠졌고 파란색 러버가 된 여름의 이담기록들read more. 이 맹둥 노출

윤성빈 성형 디시 Stream time 20230324 021934 20230324 025258. 한국갤럽이 2026년 1월 2729일 전국 만 18세 이상 1,001명에게 향후 1년간 집값 전망을 물은 결과 48%가 오를 것이라고 답했다. 롯데百 월드몰 잔디광장 800평 공간서 46일간 유럽풍 크리스마스 축제. Participate live 221 people. 다만 영상을 보면 콴에게 다가가면서는 잠시나마 눈을 마주쳤던 것으로 보이며 이후 무대 뒤에서 키호이콴과 서로 포옹하는 모습이 찍힌 사진이 있기.

윤수빈 ㅗㅜ ㅑ 클라이브 스테이플스 루이스clive staples lewis, 1898년 11월 29일 1963년 11월 22일는 영국의 소설가이자 잉글랜드 성공회church of england의 평신도이다. 사실 겨울 시즌에 74세가 되신 read more. 사실 겨울 시즌에 74세가 되신 read more. 롯데百 월드몰 잔디광장 800평 공간서 46일간 유럽풍 크리스마스 축제. 삶의 마지막, 가족이 나누는 못다 한 이야기 항상 곁에.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.